Why do firm operate in high-risk countries Give specific examples Essay

Why do firm operate in high-risk countries Give specific examples - Essay Example The term high risk implies that a certain country’s economy has a higher inclination towards risk. This risk may exist because of some social and political problems that the country might face. Because of a social and political turmoil in the country, government policies regarding the foreign direct investment may not be very friendly and so may not be very attractive for the investors. Also there is likelihood that the security situations in such countries also may affect the foreign businesses. For example many firms have suffered in countries like Pakistan and Afghanistan where the security situation does not permit a healthy business environment. The products of the firms that operate in high risk countries may not provide the value they once did, as Penn (2003) points out. Also according to Penn (2003), the overall productivity of the firms and companies might fall because the revenues earned would be less than those that were earned previously. As a consequence, the cost s incurred by the investors might rise too. The firms would be increasingly burdened in such situations with unnecessary costs and the benefits expected may also be dwindling. Also the interest rate in the high risk countries is generally less which means that the foreign direct inflows are also gravely affected. This is true for all the foreign direct investors that operate in high risk countries. However, it is interesting to note that recently there has been a trend of companies working in the high risk countries when they actually should have found exits. Of course there might be some benefits in doing so, that encourages the investors to work in such situations. The paper discusses some of the advantages that a firm might have while investing in countries that are in state of recessions. Most of the economists like Rothgeb (1986) believe

Not Your Dream Team Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Not Your Dream Team - Assignment Example The first stage is formation where the team members will come together with the aim of fulfilling a goal. The second is the storming stage where each member is struggling for his or her ideas to be heard and therefore marked by chaos and conflicts. The third stage is the norming stage where now the members come to know each other and start accepting each other’s ideas. The next is the performing stage where the group now focuses on achieving the goal and hence no conflict at this stage. Finally, having achieved its purpose, the group adjourns. 2. Mallory joined Think Link as assistant marketing manager for new products; two software programs were being designed to help high school students learn algebra and geometry. Murray’s manager is Lin Chen (marketing manager). Other members on the cross-functional development team with her are Todd Schlotsky (senior programmer); Sean Traynor (vice-president for marketing); Joyce Rothman (a former high school teacher who co-founded Think Link; she works only part-time in the company); and Harlow Gray (educational consultant). In this paragraph, the bases of power are mentioned and this will determine the decisions made in the organization. Sean for example is the Vice president and he has therefore the most authority in the company based on the positional power he is holding. The decisions Sean will make will therefore not be contested or argued with as a result of his prestigious position in the organization. Sean holds legitimate power due to his position as the vice-president, Lin and Todd and Mallory hold expert power as a result of their knowledge in their different fields. Mallory, Joyce and Harlow also hold referent power due to their ability to be consulted by others in different places. Sean also holds coercive power which is portrayed later when he fires Lin. The above team also hold reward power which they use to give bonus on software. 3. After her first week on the job, Mallory was considering qu itting. â€Å"These people are so opinionated and competitive,† she complained. Sean, Joyce and Harlow, in Mallory’s opinion, don’t listen to anyone’s ideas at team meetings; they only talk about their concerns. â€Å"Sean thinks his rank entitles him to make all the decisions in the team. Joyce thinks her opinions should carry more weight because she was instrumental in creating the company. And Harlow views everyone as less knowledgeable than he is and discounts their information as â€Å"out-of-date†, because he consults with the â€Å"outside† – other software firms and school districts. Lin, who is supposed to have the leadership role in this team, is passive and quiet. While he sends out agendas, and organizes meetings, people ignore him at the meeting; when he is speaking, people interrupt him or talk over him. He appears to avoid all the conflict and lack of progress by rushing off to another meeting. The team didn’t a ccomplish any agenda items at the first meeting I was at.† When a group is forming, it undergoes several stages and the hardest and most challenging one is the storming stage where every member wants his or her opinion to be taken into consideration. This is exactly the stage this group is in where the members are not willing to listen to each other’

Ap Biology Notes Cellular Communication Essay Example for Free

Ap Biology Notes Cellular Communication Essay Cell-to-cell communication is essential in multicellular organisms. They must communicate to coordinate activities such as growth and development, and reproduction. In addition unicellular organisms communicate with each other. Signals may use light, or touch but we will focus on chemical signals. 1. External signals are converted to responses within the cell a. Evolution of cell signaling i. In yeast a cells and ÃŽ ±cells both secrete chemicals, which can only be received by the alternate type yeast. This signals the two cells to join via fusion 1. The process by which the signal on the surface of the cell is converted to a series of steps by the cell in response is called a signal transduction pathway ii. Signal transduction pathways are very similar in yeast and in complex multicellular organisms 2. This leads scientists to believe that this pathway evolved first in ancient prokaryotes b. Local and long distance signaling iii. Local signaling 3. Adjacent cells of plants and animals may communicate through cell junctions a. Signaling substances dissolved in the cytoplasm travel between cells i. Plants = plasmodesmata ii. Animals = gap junctions 4. Animal cells may use the following b. Cell-to-cell recognition iii. Direct contact between membrane-bound cell-surface molecules iv. Important in embryonic development and immune response c. Paracrine signaling v. Uses local regulators which are released and travel only a short distance to nearby cells vi. Ex. Growth factors target nearby cells to grow and divide d. Synaptic signaling vii. Electrical signal along a nerve cell triggers a chemical release across a synapse to trigger response in target cell viii. Ex. Nerve cells iv. Long- distance signaling 5. Both plants and animals use hormones e. Animals (endocrine signaling) cells release hormones which travel in the circulatory system to target cells f. Plants hormones travel in vessels or by diffusion through the air as gas g. Hormones vary in size and shape 6. Nervous system signals can also be long distance c. The three stages of cell signaling: A preview v. Reception: when the target cell detects a signaling molecule. The signaling molecule binds to a receptor protein on the target cell’s surface vi. Transduction: After binding the receptor protein is changed in some way, this converts the signal to a form that will bring about a specific cellular response 7. May occur in a single step or a series of changes vii. Response: The transduced signal triggers a specific cellular response. 8. Catalysis of an enzyme, rearrangement of the cytoskeleton, activation of a specific gene 2. Reception: A signaling molecule binds to a receptor protein, causing it to change shape d. To ensure signals are sent to the correct cell signaling molecules act as a ligand. viii. Ligand- molecule that specifically binds to another (usually larger) molecule ix. The receptor protein then usually changes shape x. May be located on the membrane or inside the cell e. Receptors in the plasma membrane xi. Water-soluble signaling molecule binds to receptor on the membrane causing it to change shape or aggregate. f. Intracellular Receptors xii. Found in cytoplasm or nucleus of target cells 9. Signaling molecule must be hydrophobic enough or small enough to pass through the plasma membrane h. Steroid hormones, thyroid hormones, nitric oxide | Examples| Pathway| Other| G-Protein Coupled Receptors| Yeast mating factors, epinephrine, hormones, neurotransmitters| 1. signaling molecule binds to the g-protein receptor 2. receptor changes shape and the cytoplasmic side binds to the inactive G protein 3. GTP then displaces to form GDP and activates the protein 4. Activated G protein diffuses along the membrane to an enzyme altering the enzyme to trigger the next step| Bacteria such as whooping cough, botulism and cholera disrupt this pathway| Receptor Tyrosine Kinases| Enzymes that catalyze the transfer of phosphate groups| 1. binding of two signaling molecules to two tyrosine chains causes the two to associate with each other forming a dimer 2. dimerization activates the tyrosine kinase region to add a phosphate from and ATP to each tyrosine in the polypeptide 3. each tail can now bind to and activate a different specific relay protein within the cell| One receptor may activate ten+ pathways. Absence can result in cancer| Ion Channel Receptors| Nervous system| 1. signaling molecule binds to the ion channel in the membrane 2. protein changes shape creating a channel through the membrane 3. specific ions can now flow through the membrane which may cause a change in the cell or trigger another pathway| Some ion gated channels are controlled by change in voltage rather than binding of a ligand| g. Intracellular Receptors xiii. Ex. Testosterone 10. Hormone passes through the plasma membrane 11. Testosterone binds to a receptor protein in the cytoplasm activating it 12. The hormone-receptor complex enters the nucleus and binds to a specific gene 13. The bound protein acts as a transcription factor, stimulating the transcription of the gene into mRNA 14. The mRNA is translated into a specific protein 3. Transduction: cascades of molecular interactions relay signals from receptor to target molecules in the cell h. Protein phosphorylation and dephosphorylation xiv. Proteins can be activated by the addition of a phosphate group (often broken off of ATP or GTP) 15. Phosphates are transferred from ATP to a protein by a general group of enzymes known as protein kinases i. Phosphorylation often causes the protein to change shape j. This happens because the added phosphate group interacts with polar or charged amino acids within the protein xv. Protein phosphatases are enzymes that remove phosphate groups from a protein 16. Mechanism for turning off signal transduction 17. These also allow for turning off and reusing pathways i. Small molecules and ions as second messengers xvi. Molecules other than proteins act as second messengers 18. Small and water soluble such as ions k. This allows them to rapidly spread throughout the cell via diffusion 19. Second messenger refers to anything after the first messenger which is the extracellular signaling molecule that binds to the membrane 20. Most common second messengers are cyclic AMP and Ca+2 xvii. Cyclic AMP as a second messenger in response to the hormone epinephrine 21. Epinephrine binds to receptor molecule protein activates adenylyl cyclase which can catalyze the synthesis of many molecules of cAMP l. Adenylyl cyclase catalyzes the conversion of ATP into cAMP ix. cAMP usually activates a serine/threonine kinase known as protein kinase A which phosphorylates many other proteins m. cAMP is converted back to AMP by phosphodiesterase xviii. Calcium ions and inositol tripohosphate 22. Increasing calcium concentration causes responses such as muscle contraction, secretion of substances, and cell division in animals, and greening in response to light in plants 23. Calcium is usually in high concentrations outside of the cell and in the ER but in low concentrations in the cytosol 24. Pathway n. Signaling molecule binds to receptor   o. Phospholipid pinches off membrane IP3 is released as second messenger p. IP3 binds to receptor on ER causing protein channel to open q. Ca+2 is released into cytosol 4. Response: Cell signaling leads to regulation of transcription or cytoplasmic activities j. Nuclear and cytoplasmic responses xix. Pathways lead to the regulation of one or more cellular activities 25. Regulate protein synthesis r. Turning specific genes on or off (calls for the synthesis of mRNA from DNA) 26. Regulate protein activity s. Cause a shape change to turn a protein on or off 27. Regulate overall shape change of cell 28. Release of mating factors 29. Cell division k. Fine-tuning of the response xx. Signal amplification 30. Enzyme cascades amplify effects by increasing the product at each step t. Enzymes stay active long enough to work on multiple products before becoming inactive xxi. The specificity of cell signaling and coordination of the response 31. Different types of cells are programmed to respond to only certain types of signals u. Some cells will respond to the same signals but in different ways v. This is because different cells have different collections of proteins xxii. Signaling efficiency: scaffolding proteins and signaling complexes 32. Scaffolding proteins increase the efficiency of the response w. A large protein with multiple protein kinases attached x. Decreases the time of the response because diffusion between proteins is not needed 33. Pathways are not linear, in fact the same protein may act in multiple pathways 34. Relay proteins serve as branch points where the signal may go in one of two directions xxiii. Termination of the signal 35. Each step in the pathway lasts only a short time, this makes the proteins ready for a new signal 36. When the signaling molecule leaves leave the receptor it reverts to its inactive form and the relay molecules follow

Increasing Cervical Screening for BME Women in the UK

Increasing Cervical Screening for BME Women in the UK It was not until 1988 that the NHS cervical screening programme began; since then it has proved to be a successful scheme in the detection and prevention of cervical cancer saving 4500 lives per year (NHS Cervical Screening Programme 2008, Care Commission 2008). Despite the effectiveness of smear tests, evidence shows that only 80% of women with cervical cancer would have had cervical screening (Bloomfield 2007 cited in Gannon and Dowling 2008). In 2007 2,828 new cases of cervical cancer were diagnosed in the UK, and worldwide there are 493,000 cases annually (Cancer research UK 2010a, Ashford and Collymore 2005). With the prevalence of cervical cancer increasing there are concerns with the uptake of cervical screening in the UK particularly among ethnic minority of women. Evidence by Moser et al (2009) has shown there is a low uptake of cervical screening in ethnic groups of women; British women were 1.35 to 3.42 times more likely to have a cervical smear in comparison with women from an ethnic minority. Although other factors such as age and socioeconomic as demonstrated in Moser et al (2009) have an impact on the uptake of cervical screening, ethnicity seems to be a significant influence. Cervical screening is offered to women aged 25-64 years old; for women aged 25-49 screening is at 3 year intervals and for women aged 50-64 it is every 5 years (DOH 2006). Although uptake of cervical screening is lower overall in ethnic minority groups, there are differences in the uptake between ethnic groups (Luke at al 1996, Webb et al 2004). The aim of this literature review is to discover how the uptake of cervical screening can be increased amongst ethnic minority women in the UK. In doing so the literature review sets out to identify ethnic womens beliefs and attitudes towards cervical screening, identify and evaluate ethnic womens barriers to cervical screening and to evaluate the interventions used to increase the uptake of cervical screening. A literature search was conducted using the search terms cervical smears, ethnic minorities, cancer , screening , barriers, knowledge , women , prevention, interventions and UK. As individual search terms did not provide a fruitful result of papers that were relevant, these search terms were combined as follows: cervical smears + women attitudes +UK cervical cancer prevention and screening +ethnic groups, cervical screening + interventions UK, cervical cancer + ethnic minorities UK, cervical screening + barriers UK cervical screening knowledge + ethnic minorities cervical smears + ethnic minorities The combined search terms were used in the search strategies of CINAHL, MEDLINE-via PubMed, BNI, Google Scholar and PsycArticles (see Appendix 1) A total of 11 studies (Appendix 2) were found with the inclusion criteria of primary research and research published after 1990. It was important that the literature reviewed old research as it was only in 1988 that national cervical screening was introduced and the issue of cervical screening in ethnic minorities has been on-going. Hence this enabled a comparison of how ethnic minority views on cervical screening have changed over time. The exclusion criteria were primary research published outside the UK. This was due to the unfamiliarity with methods of cervical screening outside the UK. The use of electronic searching did not yield as many research as hoped for, furthermore it was very hard to find research on interventions that were tested on ethnic minority groups of women. Cervical cancer is the second most common cancer in women under age 35 in the UK (Bedford, 2009). As the name suggests cervical cancer is cancer of the cervix. The cervix (neck of the womb) is part of the female reproductive system and connects the uterus to the vagina. The cervix has many functions: during menstruation it allows the passage of blood flow and during childbirth it dilates for the baby to pass through the uterus and into the vagina (Cancer Research UK 2010b). The cells of the cervix can develop to pre-cancerous changes known as dysplasia. Dysplasia (which is abnormal cells on the cervix) can be categorised using cervical intraepithelial neoplasia (CIN) classification (see Appendix 2). For this reason it is important that women have regular smears as early detection of cervical abnormalities can initiate treatment before cancer develops (Patient UK 2010). There are two types of cervical cancers: squamous cell carcinoma and adenocarcinoma. Squamous cell carcinoma is the most common form of cervical cancer and accounts for 80- 90% of cervical cancers. Squamous cell carcinoma invades the squamous epithelium of the ectocervix (Dunleavey 2009). The other form of cervical cancer is adenocarcinoma, although less common as it accounts for only 10% in all cases it is considered to be the more severe than squamous cell carcinoma. (Dunleavy 2009, What is cervical cancer? 2011). Moreover the cervical smear is not designed to detect adenocarcinoma, however is mainly intended at detecting the early changes of squamous cell carcinoma (Poulsen 2005).As cervical cancer progresses slowly it may be asymptomatic, however as it advances the symptoms such as irregular bleeding, bleeding or pain after sexual intercourse and increased discharge may be a sign of cervical cancer Smeltzer et al (2009). According to Shiffman et al (1993) there is strong evidence to suggest that Human Papilloma Virus (HPV) causes cervical cancer, with types 16 and 18 deemed to be strongly associated with cervical cancer. Other risk factors include, smoking, number of sexual partners, age of first intercourse and use of oral contraceptives (Cancer Research UK 2009b). Internal Barriers From the literature it is apparent that internal barriers such as , beliefs, attitudes, embarrassment, and lack of knowledge have an influence on the uptake of cervical screening in ethnic minorities (Doyle 1991, Naish et al 1994, Box 1998, Thomas et al 2005, Abdullahi 2009). There seems to be a consensus about beliefs and attitudes of ethnic minority women and cervical screening. Naish et al (1994) investigated factors that deter women from attending there GP for cervical screening. A focus group of women from Turkish, Kurdish, Bengali, Chinese, Vietnamese, Punjabi and Urdu speaking women was conducted. It was found that most of the women shared fatalistic beliefs about cervical cancer. It was noted that if you have it, then that is it and it would be better if were detected early (Naish et al 1994, p.1127). Similarly a more recent study by Abdullahi et al (2009) also found Somali women had fatalistic beliefs about cervical cancer; however these beliefs stemmed from a religious view rather than a cultural view as described in Naish et al (1994). Using a purposive sample, Abdullahi et al (2009) recruited Somali women from Camden. Somali women commonly believed that cervical cancer was the will of God. This belief is further supported by participants in Box (1998) and Thomas et al (2005) study. Box (1998) aimed to seek the views and experiences of black and minority ethnic (BME) women on smear test screening for cervical cancer. The findings showed attitudes and beliefs about cervical cancer were linked with promiscuity and seen as a punishment from God. A woman in Boxs study (1998, p.7 ) stated cancer , yes it happens here, not with us we stay with our men. Therefore for some ethnic minority women there is a chance of being culturally and religiously stigmatised as a result of the belief that cervical screening is only appropriate for those who are promiscuous. For most ethnic minorities with strong religious and cultural backgrounds there is a high importance attached to how women should behave when not married. The commitment to religion in ethnic minorities especially those from a Muslim and Christian background means for most women they have to maintain their virginity until married otherwise may be exposed to social consequences (Shripinda 2010). For example in Moroccan and Turkish groups women found to have lost their virginity can be killed in what is known as honour killing (Shripinda 2010). This view is still strongly upheld. Young Pakistani, Arabic and Greek orthodox females expressed resilient views on keeping the virginal state when entering marriage (Thomas et al 2005). Thomas et als (2005) study revealed young Pakistani women suggested they would go for a cervical screening only if the screener was not from their cultural background as they feared of being found out. Likewise in Boxs study (1998), sexually active unmarried wom en were afraid their doctor or receptionist could not be trusted as to the reason why they attended the GP. The unanimity on beliefs and attitudes towards cervical cancer is not shared across all types of ethnic groups of women. Interestingly the views of African women beliefs about cervical cancer are derived from superstition (Thomas et al, 2005). The African women in Thomas et als study (2005) believed cervical cancer was a taboo and that to mention cancer might cause the cancer to manifest. Furthermore cervical cancer was seen as a taboo more than other types of cancers. The evidence above provides a strong link between ethnic minorities cultural and religious beliefs as a barrier in cervical screening. Another concern over cervical screening was the issue of embarrassment. The cervical smear test is invasive and for most ethnic women the procedure can be physically and psychologically uncomfortable (Box 1998, Abdullahi et al 2009). The issue of embarrassment is particularly important to Somali women. For them the issue of embarrassment arises from female gender mutilation (FGM). WHO (2010) explains FGM as the total or partial removal of the external female genitalia. FGM in most cultures is as result of both cultural, religious and refers to back to the ideology of maintaining premarital virginity. For some Somali women there is the anticipation of embarrassment as result of the reaction from the doctor or nurse taking the samples (Abdullahi et al 2009). Consequently Abdullahi et al (2009) brings an understanding as to how FGM acts as a deterrence for Somali women in cervical screening. These studies (Naish et al 1994, Box 1998, Thomas et al 2005, Abdullahi 2009) have the use of focus groups in common. Though this suggests the appropriate use of focus groups in the study, it has its limitations. Parahoo (2006) states the disadvantage of focus groups is that dominant personalities can control the discussions. This was evident in Naish et al (1994), where it was noted that both Turkish and Kurdish women interacted spontaneously and informally compared to the other ethnic groups of women. This can affect the credibility of the study as the views of ethnic women perhaps only reflected those from Turkish and Kurdish backgrounds and not everyone else. Furthermore focus groups are not effective compared with in-depth interview in dealing with sensitive topics. For example in Abdullahis study (2009) the issue of promiscuity was discussed with discomfort. This presents one of the prime issues within focus groups, where participants may feel less inclined to discuss sensitive issues out of fear of scrutiny and criticism from others within the group. This is reinforced by Groups Plus (2003) who states that sensitive topics are easily discussed if participants in the group all share the same problem. The lack of knowledge of cervical screening is often prevalent in ethnic minority groups. Box (1998) identifies that there were misconceptions about the purpose of screening. Similarly Abdullahi et al (2009) found that Somali women failed to recognise the importance of cervical screening. This supports a previous study by Doyle (1991) which identified ethnic minorities unawareness of both the importance and existence of cervical screening. Somali women disregarded cervical screening because there was no cervical screening in Somalia; the concept of preventative health was also unfamiliar. The concept of preventative health is unaccustomed in some cultures. Doyle (1991) suggests in the Asian communities the reliance on folk medicines meant screening was outside the traditional views of healing. The disregard towards preventative health is perhaps underpinned by religious beliefs. Thomas et al (2005) found that many ethnic groups felt it was important to turn to religion as a form of c oping emotionally. There was a consensus amongst the groups that if things are left with God he resolves the problem. Despite the lack of knowledge of cervical screening amongst ethnic groups, other groups are more knowledgeable. Guajarati women in Boxs study (1998) were the only ones aware that cervical screening is able to detect pre-cancerous cells. Thomas et al (2005) found African groups were more able to identify cervical cancer as a commonly occurring cancer within their community. However age has an influential role on the amount knowledge that is embedded. Younger African-Caribbean participants had the least knowledge about cancer as there was a perception cancer affected older people (Thomas et al 2005). It appears that Thomas et als study (2005) has a methodological weakness. In their study they aimed to describe factors that act as barriers to effective uptake of breast and cervical screening. However the sample may not be representative of the target population as the sample consisted of men. Since men do not partake in breast and cervical screening, their inclusion may have distorted the findings, therefore reduces the transferability and credibility of the study. Regardless of this, Thomas et als (2005) study shows the significance in the link between age and lack of knowledge in cervical cancer. The lack of knowledge amongst ethnic minorities perhaps was as a result of language difficulties. If they were able to communicate and comprehend information they received then this could enhance their understanding and knowledge of cervical screening. The majority of ethnic women declared that translated information in their languages was often inadequate and difficult to make sense of (Naish et al 1994, Abdullahi 2009, Thomas et al 2005, Box 1998). The translated information was not only seen as a problem, but for some ethnic minority women who were illiterate translated information was still perplexing. As a result there was a preference for being told about the cervical test in their own languages rather than reading a translated script (Box 1998). External Barriers One major external barrier that was very frequently much expressed was the gender of the GP or screener. There were conceptions that if it was male practitioners that did the screening then women are less likely to uptake cervical screening. Some women in Boxs study (1998) felt that their bodies should only be seen by their husbands and it were adamant that the smear taker should be a female. Similarly Somali women, felt that as Muslim, women having a male practitioner taking the smears is inappropriate. Abdullahi et als (2009) study is significant in identifying and providing solutions to the barriers that discourages Somali women from up taking up cervical screening. This study is commended well on its originality as mentioned by Abdullahi (2009), and this was the only study investigating barriers to cervical screening that was found that focused on the views of Somali women. Conducting a study on Somali women brings new knowledge to this area of research as the Somali community do not lend themselves to research because they are seen to be invisible compared to other Muslim ethnic minorities (Information centre about Asylum and Refugees ( ICAR) 2004).However, Naish et al (1994) found that both Kurdish and Turkish women did not mind male practitioners, as they are used to male doctors in their home countries. Nonetheless it appeared that a female practitioner still had more favour compared to that of a male practitioner. From the evidence the preference for a female doctor is not only due to cultural or religious views but also due to the lack of understanding and insensitivity that male doctors display towards ethnic women having cervical smears. This is particularly demonstrated in Box et als study (1998, p.7) where a women stated the doctor was cross with me when I asked for the forceps (speculum) to be warmed, how would he feel if it was him? However Thomas et al (2005) suggests that this poor relationship between practitioners and patients was due to poor communication skills. In Thomas et als (2005) study BME women identified that the attitudes portrayed by their GP was very discouraging and at times it felt as if their GPs did not want them to be there. Moreover the issue of racism is problematic for ethnic minority women. For example in Box (1998) some of the Asian women were cited as being treated coldly by the smear taker because of their race. Health advocates noticed BME women were treate d less favourably than white women and when smears were taken they were provided with less comfort (Box 1998). Childcare issues also play an influential part in preventing ethnic women in up taking cervical smears. Naish et al (1994) found with many women, having children in the same room was very distracting. This view was also supported by Somali women who indicated the lack of childcare facilities was a barrier in attending cervical screening (Abdullahi et al 2009). There is a link between the perceived lack of sterility of equipment and the uptake of cervical screening. The views expressed by some ethnic women were that the speculum was not hygienic and that this could be a cause of cervical cancer instead of the association with HPV (Box 1998). One woman expressed the following concern; the cancer might be there [in the clinic] you never know they need to cover it with water, wash it all away Ive never seen them do that (Box 1998 , p.g 9). The view is also reiterated in Naish et als (1994) study, where Chinese women were adamant that the use of unsterile equipment could induce infections. This demonstrates how important the lack of knowledge amongst ethnic minorities can affect the uptake of cervical smears. Interventions that increase cervical screening Interventions that increase cervical screening such as health promotion, education, invitations, psychological interventions and media interventions are examined below. Kernohan (1996) investigated the effectiveness of community-based intervention to improve knowledge on the uptake of breast and cervical screening. The sample consisting of 1000 women from different ethnic backgrounds were involved in a health promotion intervention. The study focused on Bradfords main minority ethnic women (South Asian) and was concerned with the impact of health education programmes on the knowledge of cervical screening in South Asian women. Compared to the other ethnic groups South Asian women had the lowest level of knowledge on cervical smears, however their knowledge had considerably improved from 35.8% to 68.7% after the intervention. Kernohan (1996) study is noteworthy for depicting a positive correlation between health promotion and knowledge of cervical screening. However as this study was a pilot study this area of research would require further work in order to provide robust evidence. Furthermore kernohan (1996) did not look at the impact of increased k nowledge on the subsequent rate of uptake. Evidence from Abdullahi et al (2009) and Naish et al (1994) suggest that addressing barriers which deter women from having cervical smears can be used as interventions to increase cervical smear rates. The lack of knowledge of cervical screening is an apparent barrier in most ethnic women and a proposed solution would be to increase the levels of knowledge of cervical screening. Abdullahi et al (2009) suggests that education about the purpose of cervical screening is key to encouraging Somali women to attend for cervical screening. However, suggesting such solutions to overcome barriers to cervical screening without trial may be futile, since without some testing the solutions there remains a gap in understanding the impact of the intervention suggested by Abdullahi et al (2009). More importantly Sabates and Feinstein (2006) investigated the role of education on the uptake of preventative health care, in this case cervical screening. Sabates and Feinstein (2006) suggest that educational effects on the uptake of preventative health results in raising the awareness of and the importance of having a regular health check and therefore the inclination to uptake preventative health checks. The study found that women enrolled in courses or training leading to qualifications had a positive impact on the probability of the uptake of cervical smears. Sabates and Feinsteins (2006) study provides further support to the socio-economic determinants of the uptake of screening. However, the effectiveness of this particular intervention is limited as women within ethnic minorities tend to not achieve the accolades of adult learning as a result of cultural demands. According to YWCA (2011) some black minority ethnic women are missing from the school register and are pulled out of school as a result of family duties to marital commitment. A systematic review conducted by Forbes et al (2009) reviewed interventions targeted at women to encourage the uptake of cervical screening. It concluded that invitation letters and educational materials were the most effective types of interventions. However evidence from Stein et al (2002) suggests that invitation letters were not effective. Stein et al (2006) investigated the effectiveness of three methods of inviting women with a long history of non -attendance to undergo cervical screening. The methods of invitation were a telephone call from a nurse, a letter from a well-known celebrity and letter from the local NHS Cervical Screening Commissioner. A telephone call and a letter from a celebrity were ineffective. A letter from the commissioner resulted in a small increase in the uptake of cervical screening this was not statistically significant. Although Stein et al (2006) findings contradict that of Forbes et al (2009), this does not nullify the results of Forbes et als (2009) study. The findings from Stein et al (2005) highlight one of the limitations of doing a single study. Egger et al (2001) argues a single study often fails to detect a statistically significance between interventions when in fact such difference may exists, therefore are more likely to produce false negative results. Moreover, in the hierarchy of evidence for interventions, systematic reviews are at the top as they are more likely to produce a strong and less-biased synthesis of findings that to show whether the intervention has an effective outcome (Melnyk and Fineout-Overholt 2010) . For this reason Forbes et al (2009) has a more valuable contribution towards knowledge on the interventions that increase the uptake of cervical screening. The NHS cervical screening programme (2011) highlights that encouraging women through reminders such as invitation letters is exceptionally important; this may not be as effective in motivating ethnic minority women to attend cervical screening. Some ethnic minority women are more likely to ignore invitation letters if translation is unavailable ( Naish et al 1994). On the other hand, there is a link between planning when, where and how of making an appointment and the success rate in uptake of cervical screening. This is referred to as implementation intentions the initiation of behaviour is determined if the conditions when, where and how are planned (Bartholomew et al 2011).This was demonstrated by Sheeran and Orbell (2000) who tested the concept of implementation intentions as a method to increase non-attendance in cervical screening. It was found that the participants who produced implementation intentions were much more likely to attend for a cervical smear test compared to th e control group. This demonstrates how empowering women to have more control on the choices in arranging their appointments can significantly encourage the uptake of cervical screening. This supports Abdullahi et al s (2009) study where it was identified that inconvenient appointment times were also considered to be a barrier. Consequently the use of implementation intention as an intervention is noteworthy of encouraging ethnic women to uptake cervical screening. Furthermore, an area of research that would increase existing knowledge is to investigate implementation intentions on ethnic minority women and subsequent uptake of cervical smears, in order to provide strong evidence for such intervention. The media has potentially an important role on the uptake of cervical screening. Howe et al (2002) investigated the impact of a television soap opera on the NHS cervical screening programme. Using a retrospective analysis on information of the NHS cervical screening databases, during the 6 month of the storyline, the number of smears performed in women whose previous smears were compared to women who had smears taken previously that year. The storyline involved a character that missed her regular screening appointments; later she was diagnosed with cervical cancer and 6 weeks later she died. Howe et al (2002) found that there were substantial increases in the number of cervical smears- from 65 714 in 2001, to 79,712 in 2002, 19 weeks after the storyline. This demonstrates a significant link between the effects of media in motivating women to take up cervical screening. In support is the impact of a celebrity profile on uptake of cervical screening. The media coverage of Jade Goody fr om diagnosis of cervical cancer till death has been an influential motive for some women to uptake cervical screening. Parkers (2010) reports that, since the media coverage of Jade Goodys case, figures from NHS Rotherham showed an 80% improvement rate in the uptake of cervical screening. Discussion From reviewing the literature it is apparent that increasing the uptake of cervical screening amongst ethnic minority women poses a challenging problem. Ethnic minority women are faced with internal and external barriers that play an important role on their non- attendance for cervical screening. It appears the internal and external barriers are interrelated. For instance the issue of embarrassment may arise as a result of being screened by a male practitioner, as well as FGM particularly in the case of Somali women as stated earlier. Moreover the culturally sensitive issues such as the loss of virginity still pays a price tag in many cultures and the stigmatisation attached towards it means some young ethnic minority women might feel reluctant to take up cervical smears. Needless to say the extent to which a barrier act as a deterrent to the uptake of cervical screening is very much culturally dependent. Women from African cultures see cervical cancer as a taboo, where as in Asian cultures cervical cancer is perceived as a disease for those who are promiscuous. Additionally, the cultural attitudes and beliefs may be a stronger barrier than child care issues for some ethnic minority women, whilst the sterility of equipment may have a stronger influence than the issue of embarrassment. The lack of knowledge was the most common barrier that was revealed and it appears this has not changed over the years amongst ethnic minority groups ( Box 1998, Thomas et al 2005 , Abdullahi et al 2009). From evaluating the interventions, it remains substantial that socioeconomic factors (lack of knowledge and education) are predictors in determining ethnic minority women attendance for cervical screening. For this reason, it would be beneficial for communities where ethnic minorities are prevalent to have health promotion projects that produce the awareness of cervical screening (kernohan 1996). There was sufficient evidence to suggest language difficulties as an important factor in deterring ethnic minority women from the uptake of cervical screening. Though research has not tested the effect of bilingual services as an intervention to increase cervical screening, an area in practice that needs room for improvement is the use bilingual services and bilingual interpreters in the cervical screening recall system. Forbes et al (2009) research supports the use of invitation letters as an intervention to improve the uptake of cervical screening and currently still remains the most popular intervention used. Therefore a recommendation for practice would be for invitation letters to be printed in the languages of ethnic minorities. What was interesting and surprising, was the issue of racism as a barrier to the uptake of cervical screening. The ethnic minority often experience health inequalities as a result of racism, karlsen (2007) reports racism can lead to differences in treatment and access to health promoting resources for the ethnic minority. This was reflected in Box (1998) where Asian women expressed their concerns of being treated coldly and treated indecently as a result of their race. This area highlights the need for a change within the health services offered to ethnicity minorities in the UK. More importantly a contribution to research would be to tackle racism as an intervention to encourage ethnic minority women in the uptake of cervical screening (Szczepura 2005). Furthermore training needs to be put in place for health professionals to understand and embrace the forms of cultural and religious beliefs amongst ethnic minorities in order to reduce prejudice and discriminatory practices. This would be particularly important to women from ethnic minorities where FGM is seen as a custom practice. Denniston et al (2001) states FGM continues to take place in many cultures around the world; health practitioners and screeners need to be taught to take a sensitive and a considerable approach when screening women with FGM. Sheeran and Orbells study (2000) makes a positive contribution towards the issue of improving the uptake of cervical screening in women from ethnic minority groups. The use of implementation intentions seemed to have an effect on women in their attendance for cervical screening. Implementation intentions would be advantageous for some ethnic minority women. Planning when, where and how an appointment would address some of the barriers identified, including the gender of the screener, ensuring that a bilingual interpreter was present, so if needed information given could be clarified. Thomas et al (2005) implies that the planning of an appointment for ethnic minority groups, especially for those with religious festivals is important. Ethnic women given the chance to decide when their appointment should take place would eradicate inconveniences such as being invited for screening during Ramadan. However further research would be necessary to establish the effectiveness as well as the c ost-effectiveness of using implementation intentions amongst ethnic minority women and the uptake of cervical screening. To conclude, this literature review examined how to increase the uptake of cervical screening amongst ethnic minority women in the UK. The evidence discussed in this review has explored the internal barriers and external barriers that deter ethnic women in the uptake of cervical screening. It is hard to change peoples behaviour because of what we believe in and how this has shaped our social norms and values. Therefore to increase the uptake of cervical screening amongst ethnic minority groups remains complex and inconclusive. With the evidence examined in this review, the interventions (health promotion, education, implementation intentions, invitation letters and the media) to improve the attendance and uptake of cervical screening noticeably have an influential impact in encourag

Computers In Our Society :: essays research papers

Don’t know anything about computers? Don’t think they are a big part of your life? Think again! Computers are wondrous machines that improve our lives in many areas like education, entertainment, and work.(Paragraph)The use of computers in and out of school has made improvements in the way we learn. For instance, “the use of computers in the classroom has freed up some of my time so I can give more individualized instruction to the needy,'; says Instructor Mary S. Teachemall of a local neighborhood grade school is a definite improvement over not having computers as a way of learning. Also, college students having easy access to computers for various school related tasks’ like changing complete blocks of text on a term paper in a split second, using graphics to better express a particular point or idea, and being able to tap into the world wide web where vast amounts of information is at the fingertips of the user is a marked improvement from 10 years ago. Furt hermore, the use of computers in the home has extended the hours we can learn at a higher level without the environmental pressures of school or work thereby improving the way we learn.(paragraph)Also, the use of computers has expanded our choices for entertainment. As an example, the all-American game of Monopoly can be played by a single person and a computer and the need for several people has been obsoleted is one way our choices for entertainment have been expanded. Another example of our expanding choices is that you can not only watch movies on DVD (Digital Video Disc) but re-edit them with your own sound tracks and special effects, listen to music on CD-rom’s, even manufacture your own cartoons or even your own movies all on a computer. Moreover, the ability of the computer to link a person with others from far away places where conversations without inferences are sparked and ideas are exchanged internationally is a popular selection for millions everyday as a choice for entertainment.(paragraph)I also think the working environment where computers are used is becoming more and more diverse. As an example, farmers have computers in their tractors hooked up to GPS (Global Positioning Satellite) systems that not only tell them where to spray their pesticides but are programmed to take care of the task for them as they drive along all because a digital image from a satellite some 23,000 miles away saw too many bugs in a certain part of one of his fields is very diverse.

What is This Thing Called Love? :: essays research papers

What is This Thing Called Love? A wise man once said that love is a wonderful thing. Although this statement leaves sparse room for argument, it does little to define what love is beyond the vague realm of wonderful. It is my duty as a devout romantic to embark upon the seemingly difficult task of defining love by looking at the history, explaining what love is not, and examining the uses of love and the results of that usage. (Origin and Causes) The origin of the word is probably the most logical place to start. As with many words in the English language, love is a derivative of the Latin word "causemajoraproblemus" which means "You're miserable when you got it and miserable when you don't." The word was created to explain the biological phenomenon that existed when certain individuals came into contact with each other and either remained together or went about their lives separately. Regardless of the outcome, the relationship was usually characteristic of throat lumps, knotted stomachs, and weak knees, temporary loss of language, sweaty palms, dizziness, sneezing, and occasional nausea. Belligerent insanity also resulted. History clearly illustrates this. Can we ever forget the face that launched a thousand ships? Federally expressing Van Gogh's ear? The construction of Le Tour Eiffel? All of these were results of love and love lost. (Negation) Star-crossed lovers have stated that love is not hand nor foot nor any part belonging to a man. Matrimonial ceremonies also claim that love is not jealous or boastful. Let it be stated here that love also is not a gourmet dish, a domesticated animal, or a latest trend. Love is not a strategic defense mechanism nor the best kept secret at the Pentagon. Love is not another seasoning to bottle and stick on the dust-lined shelves of the spice rack. Love is not to be confused with adhesive tape. Instead, love is a great counterpart to late, evening thunder storms on hot July nights. Love goes well with cold pizza on picnic blankets.

What Really Caused the American Revolution

Historians have argued about the many possibilities of why the American Revolution occurred. The reason for this is that the main cause of the revolution caused other supposedly â€Å"causes of the revolution†. The most basic simplest cause of the American Revolution is merely the fact that distance weakens authority; greater distance weakens authority even more greatly. Separation from the â€Å"child† nation (Thirteen Colonies) from its mother country (Great Britain) was inevitable.During the Seven Years’ War Britain thought the colonies were acting obnoxious and were the cause of the Seven Years’ War because the war started in America. Once it tried to regain control Britain was shocked when it saw that they were losing grasp of their thirteen colonies and saw their child was growing up into an adolescent. America wasn’t really looking for independence they sought only to claim the â€Å"rights of Englishmen†, though collisions between two different views of empire came between the American colonies and their mother country; also Americans were steadily moving toward a more self-gover nment.But there were also those other supposedly â€Å"causes of the revolution† that occurred. A way Britain tried to gain back control and the ? 140 million they were in debt for defending the American colonies, imposed Navigation laws which meant that all commerce flowing to and from the colonies would be transported only in British vessels. Then there were the taxes, one which made the American colonists irate was the Stamp Act of 1765.Prime Minister George Grenville was resentful of the colonies and ordered British navy to begin enforcing the navigation laws more strictly and secured from Parliament the Sugar Act of 1764, raised duty on foreign sugar imported from the West Indies, and was the first law ever passed for raising tax revenue in the colonies for the crown. Then there was the Quartering Act of 1765, required certa in colonies to provide food and quarters for British troops. The Stamp Act of 1765 mandated the use of stamped paper or the affixing of stamps, certifying payment of tax.These stamps were required on bills of sale for about fifty trade items, certain types of commercial and legal documents, including playing cards, pamphlets, newspapers, diplomas, bills of lading, and marriage licenses. Even though the Americans weren’t being taxed as much as British people they were still outraged, they felt Grenville’s noxious legislation jeopardized the basic rights of the colonists as Englishmen. Angry American throats raised the cry â€Å"No taxation without representation! They conceded the right of Parliament to legislate about matters that affected the entire empire; they steadfastly denied the right of Parliament to impose taxes on Americans. Only their own elected colonial legislatures could legally tax them. Grenville dismissed these American protests and asserted in any ca se the Americans were represented in Parliament. He claimed that every member of Parliament represented all British subjects, even those Americans in Boston or Charleston who had never voted for a member of parliament this theory is known as â€Å"virtual representation†.The Americans didn’t like this idea at all, and truthfully didn’t really want any direct representation in Parliament. Colonists clung to no taxation without representation. Benjamin Franklin, then in London as a prominent colonial agent testified before a committee of the House of Commons. He answered varies questions very brilliantly. He pointed out that if a military force would be sent to America nobody would be found in arms â€Å"what are they then to do? They cannot force a man to take stamps who chooses to do without them. They will not find a rebellion: they may indeed make one. Colonial outcries against the detested stamp tax took various forms. The Stamp Act Congress of 1765 it was o ne more halting but significant step toward intercolonial unity. More effective was the Nonimportation Agreements against British goods. Some violence accompanied colonial protests, two groups called Sons of Liberty and Daughters of Liberty took the law into their own hands. They enforced the nonimportation agreements against violators, often they would tar and feather them, and ransacked houses of unpopular officials.About one-half of British shipping was devoted to American trade, merchants, manufacturers, and shippers suffered because of the nonimportation agreements. After a tempestuous debate Parliament repealed the Stamp Act. â€Å"Champagne Charley† Townshend could deliver the most dazzling speeches even while drunk. He persuaded Parliament to pass the Townshend Acts in 1767; most important of these new regulations was a light import duty on glass, white lead, paper, paint, and tea. He made them an indirect customs duty payable at American ports. But Americans still we ren’t fond of this and found it no different than the Stamp Act.They still were taxes and without representation. Americans found the tax on tea more irksome because an estimated 1 million people drank the beverage twice a day. The colonists once again tried the nonimportation agreements but proved to be less effective than the ones against the Stamp Act. They still took the tax less seriously mainly because it was light and indirect. Moreover they found they could smuggle the tea at a cheap price. British officials sent two regiments of troops to Boston. Many colonists felt resentment against the presence of the soldiers and taunted them unmercifully.On March 5, 1770 a crowd of about 60 townspeople attacked a crew of about ten redcoats. And without any rationalization and without orders opened fire and killed or wounded eleven â€Å"innocent† citizens. Though the redcoats only acted this way because they were under extreme provocation, one of them was hit by a club an d another was knocked down. Rebellion was still inevitable by 1773, nonimportation was weakening, and the colonists were reluctantly paying the tea tax because the legal tea was cheaper than the smuggled tea it was even cheaper than the tea in England.The British East India Company was going bankrupt because of the 17 million pounds of unsold tea. The London government would collapse and lose tax revenue very heavily. So the ministry helped the company by giving it complete control of the American tea business. Americans were outraged and felt as if they were being tricked. In Philadelphia and New York mass demonstrations forced tea-bearing ships to return to England with their cargo holds still full. The most memorable of this doing was in Boston, Massachusetts.Thomas Hutchinson, governor of Massachusetts had already felt the fury of the angry mob, when Stamp Act protestors had destroyed his home. Though he still ordered the tea ships not to leave Boston until all its cargo was unl oaded. Infuriated Bostonians disguised as Indians boarded on the ships and smashed open 342 chests of tea and dumped it into the Boston harbor. Parliament responded to the Boston Tea Party immediately. In 1774 series of acts were made. Americans called them â€Å"the massacre of American Liberty† by others as the â€Å"Intolerable Acts†, many of the chartered rights of colonial Massachusetts were swept away.And with the â€Å"Intolerable Acts† came the Quebec Act, both passed at the same time. American saw this act especially noxious, it seemed to set a dangerous precedent in America against jury trials and popular assemblies. Land speculators became alarmed; anti-Catholics became distressed to see a huge trans-Allegheny area snatched from them. All these supposedly â€Å"causes of the revolution† abraded the Americans, they were fed up so they came to a summoning of a Continental Congress in 1774.The congress came up with several dignified papers includi ng the Declaration of Rights, and appeals to other British American colonies to the king and British people. Though they weren’t looking for independence and sought merely to repeal the offensive legislation and return to the happy days before parliamentary taxation, when they were left alone. If these colonial grievances weren’t taken to consideration the Congress was to meet again. And evidently they weren’t, slowly war would creep up behind them. The British and the Americans now teetered on the brink of all-out warfare. Thus the American Revolution.